![]() ![]() In spite of various levels of de-Russification efforts of the last thirty years and recent efforts to use Chinese leverage to balance Russian influence to some extent, various key factors from economic dependence to demography (i.e. All the leaders’ attendance for the first time in years (last year, no leader was there and in 2021 only the Tajik president attended) was also a clear reflection of the Russian approach to this year’s parade as a friend and foe dichotomy amidst the Ukraine war atmosphere and highlighted the Central Asian Republics’ attitude in the face of such binary lenses.Įven though Putin’s spokesman Peskov, in late April announced that it would not be a big parade so they did not plan to invite leaders, over the next few weeks official invitations were sent or done directly by Putin over phone and the day turned into a clear friend and foe event. With the “Russkiy Mir” doctrine and the Russian elite’s references to it is getting more and more frequent in the recent years, the celebrations posed a new challenge for the leaders considering both their domestic legitimacy and their country’s close proximity and relations with Russia. are quite common in many cities in the region named after the day, over and over reproducing the memories of the “common past”. However, one should not forget that the day is not only celebrated as a national holiday in many Central Asian Republics, but also recreational parks, monuments etc. Kazakhstan’s cautious critical stance regarding the Russian move in Ukraine and the very war emerged as a fault line by itself within the country, too. With a Russian minority and the possibility that after the war regardless of its result, Russia can turn to the region for a deeper influence is being widely discussed. The debate over the Victory Day parade, especially after the war in Ukraine seems more heated than before, considering the threat perception is somehow higher in some Central Asian Republics, as in the example of Kazakhstan. George ribbon of the victory medal with the Tzarist era’s orange/gold and black colors (referring to fire and gunpowder) of it is reminiscent of the boundaries of Imperial Russia and suppression and the memories of Central Asian fighters who are seen by some portions of the societies in the region as sent for the Russian interests, further inflames this debate. Aside from the political implications of such a choice, the symbolism of the St. Since the independence of the Central Asian Republics, an increasingly heated debate has been witnessed on the question of whether they should celebrate the Victory Day as a national commemoration of heroism and more importantly whether they should join the victory parade held in Russia. Within this context, Central Asia, stands out as one of the most interesting regions not only with its historical background, but also due to current rivalries over the region among key global players and more recent intensified rivalry centered on the Chinese Bridge and Road Initiative gradually pushing the region and China closer to each other. ![]()
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